Buraku Stories

The Liberation Movement Table of Content Influences towards Liberation Swallow Association National Levellers' Society Influences towards Liberation One of the larger influences towards the Liberation Movement (kaihō undō ) were the rice riots, which we covered here . ​ Furthermore, many burakumin were dissatisfied with the Harmony Movement (yūwa undō ) and their ideologies that based the responsibilities of their plight on to the burakumin themselves or rather their "attitude" (Cangià 2013:81) and were dominated by Buraku Elites, those who were well off and thus not in need for help or policies. Aside from the lack of actions by the government and the harmony movement groups, the ideals of self-determination announced by Woodrow Wilson and support by thinkers such as Sano Manabu and Nakae Ch ōmin. (Teraki 2019:130;Tsutsui 2 018:160). ​ Nakae Ch ōmin moved to Osaka in 1887 and lived in the outcast area called “Watanabe-mura”(Teraki 2019:130). Through this time, he started to publish papers as if he was “burakumin” and argued that the current outcast groups could “[...] become partners in the revolution” (Teraki 2019:131). Teraki evaluates that “[...] one of the most compelling views of the Buraku problem at this time was the one by Nakae Chōmin” (2019:130). ​ Sano Manabu on the other hand advocated for an independent organisation by the burakumin towards their liberation and to fight alongside other suffering people. Some phrases from "the liberation of special buraku" by Sano Manabu 「此種の社会に在りては、もはや何等の存在理由なき歴史的伝統も依然、一の社会的規範として拘束力を有し得るのである。私が此處に論じようとする特殊部落民は、斯る不合理な制度の残す最大の犠牲である。」 ​ "In this kind of society, historical traditions that no longer have any reason to exist can still have binding force as a social norm. The tokushu buraku I am going to discuss here are the greatest victims left behind by such an irrational system." (Sano 1922:154-155) 「 […]、一千年来の種族的反感に虐げられ来つた穢多族の根本的解放を企つる必要がある。」 "The fundamental emancipation of eta group, which has been oppressed by racial animosity for a thousand years, must be planned." (Sano 1922:155) 「所全、特殊部落民の徹底的解放は社会改造の重大なる要素である。社会改造の大業が単にプロレタリや階級の解放を似て終わるべきでない。それは必ず有らゆる苦める人々を包含せねばならぬ。」 ​ "The complete emancipation of the tokushu buraku is an important element of social reform. The great task of social reform should not end merely with the liberation of proletariats and classes. It must necessarily include all suffering people." (Sano 1922:175) 「私は特殊部落の人々の自立的運動と、他の苦しめる人々との結合と、其の上に築かるる社会改造の大理想の上に、始めて此の薄倖なる社会群の徹底的に解放せらるる「善き日」を想像し得るのである。​」 ​ "I can only imagine a 'good day' when this unfortunate social group will be completely liberated on the basis of a grand ideal of social reform built on the independent movement of the tokushu buraku and their union with other suffering people." (Sano 1922:176) Swallow Association Before the National Levellers' Society became to be, the people that later became its founders were gathered in a smaller group Swallow Association (燕会 Tsubame Kai) in 1920 (Teraki 2019:176). ​ Saikō Mankichi, one of the members, believed “[…] that only socialists could live a discrimination free world and so only if they were to become socialists would they find a different way of thinking about discrimination […]” (Teraki 2019:177) The activities of the Swallow Association included local reforms and a research study group to understand the “problems of discrimination” (Teraki 2019:177). Also, they very much sympathize with other oppressed groups. It was then when they read the article written by Sano Manabu “the liberation of tokushu buraku” that the ideology and goals of a liberation movement started to crystallize. Whilst distancing themselves from the already existing Harmony movement, the new organisation that will be the National Leveller’s Society is based on the “path to liberation through their own efforts” (Teraki 2019:178) National Levellers' Society The Founders Photo: OHRM 2005:5 Saikō Mankichi 西光万吉 born in Nara 17.4.1895 - 20.3.1970 ​ Born as Kiyohara Kazutaka (清原一陸), he was one of the founders of the Swallow Association. Designed the banner and was also involved in other movements and was a member of the Communist Party. (OHRM 2005:27) Photo: OHRM 2005:27 Sakurada Kikuzō 桜田規矩三 Born in Nara 10.1.1896-31.12.1963 ​ At the founding of the National Levellers' Society, he read out the charter and became a member of the central committee. He was active in the denunciation struggles in Kyoto, his hometown where he was the chairman of the Kyoto local office. (OHRM 2005:30) Photo: OHRM 2005:30 Sakamoto, Seiichirō 坂本清一郎 Born in Nara 7.1.1892 - 19.2.1987 ​ Although being raised in a wealthy family, he opposed the discrimination against the burakumin . He was the one who suggested the name Suiheisha . Was a advisor to the National Committee for Buraku Liberation (NCBL) after the war. (OHRM 2005:27) Photo: OHRM 2005:27 Komai Kisaku 駒井喜作 18.5.1897 - 1.11.1945 ​ Raised in a merchant family and became a lawyer but stopped the occupation because of buraku discrimination. He was also one of the founding members of the Swallow Association and became involved in the buraku liberation and union activities. He was the one who read out the declaration. In 1927, he became the general secretary of the Nara Prefecture workers and farmers party and from 1931, he became heavenly involved into buraku improvement in his hometown. (OHRM 2005:28) Photo: OHRM 2005:28 Yoneda Tomi 米田富 Born in Nara 3.2.1901-4.5.1988 ​ Born as Chisaki Tomiichirō (千崎富一郎), he met Saikō in 1921. In 1922 he distributed leaflets about the National Leveller’s Society at the Convention for the Abolition of Discrimination between Fellow Countrymen (Dōhō sabetsu tettei taikai ). He then became member in the Central Committee of the National Levellers’ Society and the head of the publishing department. After 1934, he with Saikō committed to the abolition of buraku discrimination from a nationalistic standpoint. After the war, he became first chairman of the Buraku Liberation League Nara prefectural Association. (OHRM 2005:28) Photo: OHRM 2005:28 Photo: OHRM 2005:29 Minami Umekichi 南梅吉 Born in Shiga 10.5.1877 - 24.10.1947 ​ He became involved in the buraku improvement movement (kaizen ) since 1902 and met Sakamoto in 1921. Minami became the chairman of the Central committee of the National Levellers' Society and his home became the headquarter. Unlike his colleagues, he was one of moderate thinking, working alongside with the Harmony Movement. He had to resign from his chair after 1925 due to the “spy incident” and formed then the Japan Levellers' Society as a countermovement but to no effect. (OHRM 2005:29) Hirano Shōken 平野小劔 Born in Fukushima 13.9.1891 - 25.10.1940. ​ Hirano became a printer in 1904 and was part of the anarchist part within the labour movement. He called for more awareness for the buraku issue and became a member of the founding of the National Levellers' Society. He was part of the movement in Kanto and guided them. Alongside with Minami, he was criticised for his close connection with the Harmony movement and was also removed after the spy incident. From 1927 onwards, he moved towards a more right-wing stance. (OHRM 2005:29) Photo: OHRM 2005:29 The Declaration General Principles 1. Tokushu Burakumin shall achieve complete liberation through our own efforts. 2. We, the Tokushu Burakumin are determined to achieve our demands for complete freedom in undertaking economic activities and in choosing our occupations 3. We shall awaken to the fundamentals of human nature and march towards highest human perfection. ​ Tokushu Burakumin throughout the country: Unite! Long-suffering brothers! Over the past half century, the movements on our behalf by so many people and in such varied ways have yielded no appreciable results. This failure is the punishment we have incurred for permitting ourselves as well as others to debase our own human dignity. Previous movements, though seemingly motivated by compassion, actually corrupted many of our brothers. Thus, it is imperative that we now organize a new collective movement to emancipate ourselves by promoting respect for human dignity. Brothers! Our ancestors pursued and practiced freedom and equality. They were the victims of base, contemptible class policies and they were the manly martyrs of industry. As a reward for skinning animals, they were stripped of their own living flesh; in return for tearing out of the hearts of animals, their own warm human hearts were ripped apart. They were even spat upon with ridicule. Yet, all through these cursed nightmares, their human pride ran deep in their blood. Now, the time has come when we human beings, pulsing with this blood, are soon to regain our divine dignity. The time has come for victims to throw off their stigma. The time has come for the blessing of the martyrs’ crown of thorns. The time has come when we can be proud of being Eta. We must never again shame our ancestors and profane humanity through servile words and cowardly deeds. We, who know just how cold human society can be, who know what it is to be pitied, do fervently seek and adore the warmth and light of human life from deep within our hearts. Thus is the Suiheisha born. Let there be warmth in human society, let there be light in all human beings The National Levellers' Society and its declaration became a beacon of hope for those who suffered under buraku discrimination. As symbolised by the line in the d eclaration, "The time has come when we can be proud of being eta", the act of redefining the term 'eta'", which until then had only been used in a negative context, in a positive way by oneself, also gave a positive identity to the burakumin , many resonated with the message and ideology. (KKBM 2018:57-58). This can be seen in the following: ​ ​ "Within a year, about 60 local Suiheisha branches popped up across the nation, with the number quadrupling to about 240 the following year and nearly tripling again to over 700 by 1925." (Tsutsui 2018:160) ​ ​ Alongside the rise of the membership, the journal "suihei" (Level) became popular as well (Tsutsui 2018:160) ​ Within the Levellers' Society, there were those, who prioritised the issues of burakumin and the active battle against discrimination by denunciation (Tsutsui 2018:161) while another path was through alliance with the "broader working class" as "[…] they argued that liberation was not possible without a socialist revolution" (Tsutsui 2018:162). ​ ​ Alongside the Levellers' Society, the Harmony movement was still active and even more supported by the government (Tsutsui 2018:162). However, while organisations existed, some within the Levellers' Society advocated for that ideology. Having these three strategies within a singular group meant that internal ideological struggles impaired the Levellers' Society(Tsutsui 2018:163). ​ With the war shifting the government’s focus to the mobilization, activism was abandoned as "even the core leaders of Suiheisha lent their support to the war […]" (Tsutsui 2018:163). This led to the dissolvement of the Levellers' Society in 1942 (Tsutsui 2018:1942). Bibliography Cangià, Flavia. 2013. Performing the Buraku: Narratives on Cultures and Everyday Life in Contemporary Japan. 1st ed. Münster: LIT Verlag. KKBM = ‘Kore kara no buraku mondai’ gakushū puroguramu sakusei kenkyū kai. 2018. Hajimete miyō! Korekara no buraku mondai gakushū: shōgakkō, chūgakkō, kōkō no purogramu [Let’s start! The buraku issue from now on: Program of elementary, middle and high school]. 1st ed. edited by Hyōgo buraku kaihō jinken kenkyūjo. Ōsaka: Kaihō shuppansha. OHMR = Osaka Human Rights Museum, ed. 2005. Buraku sabetsu to mukiatta 100 nin [100 persons who faced the buraku issue]. Osaka: Osaka Human Rights Museum. Sano, Manabu. 1922. ‘Tokushu Burakumin Kaihō Ron [Discussion on the Liberation of the Special Buraku]’. Pp. 153–76 in Nihon shakai shi joron [Introduction to the History of the Japanese Society]. Dōjinsha shoten. Teraki, Nobuaki, and Midori Kurokawa. 2019. A History of Discriminated Buraku Communities in Japan. Amsterdam University Press. Tsutsui, Kiyoteru. 2018. Rights Make Might: Global Human Rights and Minority Social Movements in Japan. 1st ed. New York: Oxford University Press.

"They are ethnically Japanese, speak Japanese, follow the similar religious and cultural practices as other Japanese, and thereby ought not to be considered a separate ethnic group. The question that invariably follows, then, is this: How do people know who is or is not burakumin." ​ - Christopher Bondy in his book: Voice, Silence, Self: Negotiations of Buraku Identity in Contemporary Japan (2015:15) What is buraku ? ​Buraku means "village" or "hamlet" and is a common used word referring to someone's residence. However, the buraku issue is based on the locations called tokushu buraku (special hamlets). The use of tokushu buraku emphasized on their "differences" to the "normal" villages. The term towards the outcaste groups was changed to buraku/burakumin removing the negative connotation the word tokushu created. Nowadays, we call the location either buraku or hisabetsu buraku (discriminated against hamlets). Careful! The term tokushu buraku is a derogatory term and should only be used for the historical narrative. Who are the burakumin ? The term burakumin refers to people who are descendants of outcaste groups created by the feudal class system during the Edo period working in "unclean" occupation such as butchers living in a hisabetsu buraku ​The term burakumin refers often to the descendants of eta , hinin and other outcaste classes, but it consists all different groups of people who were and are living in the buraku . Like the term hisabetsu buraku , we either call the people burakumin or the hisabetsu burakumin . ​ "Unclean" refers to the japanese word of kegare . We explain that here . The three mentioned references were commonly used and are now obsolete. We discuss that here. Where are the burakumin and how many are there? Unless someone tells you that they are burakumin , no one can know. This coupled with the discrimination and stigma the term buraku bears restricts their freedom. Additionally, many aren't even aware that they are descendants of burakumin /former outcaste group. All this creates an unclear picture of the number of burakumin currently residing in Japan but the number is estimated in between 1.5 to 3 million. There are buraku areas throughout Japan except in Okinawa and in Hokkaido and most are in western Japan. What is the buraku issue? The buraku issue (jap. buraku mondai ) refers to the discrimination the burakumin suffer. The stigma of the buraku denies them the chances of occupation or marriage. Often described as a historical issue, it is however still existent in current Japan.

Links Table of Content Social Movement Organizations Other Organizations Research Institutes Communities Other Social Movement Organizations Buraku Liberation League National Liberal Assimilation Association Buraku Heritage ABDARC Other Organisations International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR) Research Institutes Kyoto Buraku Issue Research Resource Center Buraku Liberation and Human Rights Research Institute Buraku Issue Research Institute Communities Yata Machizukuri Committee for the Respect of Human Rights Other Liberty Osaka (Osaka Human Rights Museum) Suiheisha History Museum

Buraku Social Movement Organizations Work in Progress References and Bibliography will be added later Table of Content Kaizen Movement Yūwa / Dōwa Movement Kaihō Movement Zenkairen The Kaizen Movement wanted to improve (kaizen ) from the inside List of Groups under this movement ​ 1893: The Youth Virtue Association (Seinen Shintoku Kai ) ​ 1895: Thrift and Savings Association (Kinken Chochiku Kai ) ​ 1898: Customs Improvements League Association (Fūzoku Kaizen Dōmei Kai ) ​ 1902: Commoners Safety and Work Association (Bisaku Heiminkai ) ​ 1903: Great Japan Fraternal Integration Society (Dainippon Dōhō Yūwa Kai ) ​ Yūwa / Dōwa Movement also called as Sympathy and Reconciliation Movement ( Dōjō Yūwa Undō) ​​ Based on the sympathy towards the buraku , the movement to reconcile with the general population with the burakumin under the patronage of the emperor Both the kaizen and yūwa groups were arguing that the “blame” of the discrimination an the situation the burakumin are in are theirs to take. ​ ​ Differences between kaizen and yūwa Prior believed that the buraku discrimination will be solved by improving the education and environment of the buraku people and areas. Latter believes that the discrimination will be solved when the attitudes of the general public changes against the buraku peopl e List of Groups under this movement ​ 1912 Great Japan Brotherhood Society (Daiwa Dōshi Kai ) ​ Chinzei Impartial Society (Chinzei Kōmeikai ) in Fukuoka Prefecture ​ Fukushima Town People's Unity Association (Fukushima Chōmin Icchi Kyōkai ) in Hiroshima Prefecture, ​ the Izumo Partisan Society (Izumo Dōshikai ) in Shimane Prefecture ​ the Okayama Prefecture Partisan Society (Okayama-ken Dōshikai ) in Okayama Prefecture ​ 1914 ​ ​Imperial Way Society (Teikoku Kōdō Kai ) afterwards many groups throughout many prefectures were established first national sized group The Fukui Friendship Society (Fukui-ken Shinwa Kai ) The Toyama Yūwa Association (Toyama-ken Yūwa Kai ) The Wakayama Dōwa Association (Wakayama-ken Dōwa Kai ) Okayama Prefecture Harmony Society (Okayama-ken Kyōwakai ) The Tottori Prefecture Wholeheartedness Society (Tottori-ken Isshin Kai ) The Torine Prefecture Harmony and Respect Association (Torine-ken Wakei Kai ) The Hiroshima Prefecture Sympathy Society (Hiroshima-ken Kyōmei Kai ) The Yamaguchi Wholeheartedness Society (Yamaguchi-ken Isshin Kai ) The Tokushima Prefecture Yūwa Groups Association (Tokushima-ken Yūwa Dantai Rengo Kai ) The Ehime Good Neighbour Society (Ehime-ken Zenrin Kai ) 1919 Kōchi Prefecture Way Society Association (Kōchi-ken Kōdō Kai ) Fukuoka Prefecture Friendship Society (Fukuoka-ken Shinzen Kai ) Oita Prefecture Friendship Society (Oita-ken Shinwa Kai ) 1921 the Mutual Love Association (Dōaikai) ​ 1925 Central Association for Reconciliation Projects (Chū’ō Yūwa Jigyō Kai ) Buraku Improvement Groups in all regions were unified under this group Became the governmental body of the y ūwa movement Provided subsidies for yūwa groups and buraku improvement projects in every prefecture Raised awareness within the general population and involved the imperial family 1941: changed to Dōwa Service Society (Dōwa Hōkō Kai ) Name changed from yūwa to dōwa Yūwa Projects to Dōw a Projects, etc. During the war, the group wasn’t active and published only few books Dissolved in 1946, M arch 1960 All Japan Assimilation Association (Zen Nihon Dōwa Kai ) was formed with dōwa area residents at its core, with the aim of creating a nationwide movement 1986 National Liberal Assimilation Association (Zenkoku Jiyū Dōwa Kai ) Kaihō Movement Burakumin ​ disapproving the yūwa / dōwa movement. Instead of relying on the government or around on their support and help, they want to fight with their own strength The Suiheisha Declaration became the principle of the buraku liberation movement They used the term eta which was considered as a derogatory term as a word to be proud of Did Discrimination Denunciation ​ List of Groups under this movement 1920: Swallow Association (Tsubame Kai ) 1922-1941: National Levelers' Society (Zenkoku Suiheisha ) dissolved in 1943​ 1946-1955 National Committee for Buraku Liberation (NCBL, Buraku Kaihō Zenkoku Iinkai ) 1955: Buraku Liberation League (BLL, Buraku Kaihō Dōmei ) For the detailed history of the National Levellers' Society (Zenkoku Suiheisha), see here Zenkairen Formerly the group that advocated for a broader class struggle in order to solve buraku issue 1976 National United Buraku Liberation Movement Association (Zenkairen, Zenkoku Buraku Kaihō Undō Rengō Kai )

History Table of Content Edo Period and the Class System Meiji Restauration and the Emancipation Edict Improvement Policies – Kaizen and Yūwa Rice Riots Yūwa and Kaihō The End of World War II - The Resurgence of the Buraku Movements The Special Measures Law for Dōwa Projects 2016: The Act for the Promotion of the Elimination of the Buraku Discrimination Edo Period and the Class System The Tokugawa Shogunate during the Edo-Period (1603-1868) divided the population into four classes or three sections: warrior class (bushi or shi ) farmer class (hyakushō or nō ) townspeople (chōnin ): artisans (kō ) and merchants (shō ) The ancestors of the burakumin are the classes that were not included in that system: the eta , hinin and other various classes. ​ eta : People whose occupation dealt with death or blood, including butcher or tanners. hinin : This group includes homeless people, prostitutes, or travelling entertainers and were also often given the job as policemen or guards for prisons. Careful! The term eta and hinin is a derogatory term and should only be used for the historical narrative. BACK TO TOP Meiji Restoration and the Emancipation Edict The Emancipation Edict (kaihō rei ) was enacted by the Meiji government in 1871 as part of the modernisation policies. As result, the feudal class system was abolished, and the classes were changed. The warrior class (bushi ) became families with samurai ancestry (shizoku ), the farmer class (hyakushō ) and townspeople (chōnin ) became commoners (heimin ). The outcaste groups eta , hinin , and others, all became new commoners (shin heimin ). The enactment meant that the outcastes groups were dissolved but the stigma towards them never disappeared, and the discrimination continued against the new established "new commoners". Furthermore, the modernization policies introduced the freedom to take any occupation. As a result, the eta lost the monopoly they had enjoyed during the feudal era on occupations such as butchers and tanners. Many of them ended up unemployed and were further marginalised. Careful! The term shin heimin is a derogatory term and should only be used for the historical narrative. BACK TO TOP Improvement Policies The Regional Improvement Movement (Kaizen undō ) was the earliest form of a policy aimed towards the outcaste groups. Mie prefecture was the first one to adopt it in 1905. Focusing on improving customs and the living standards of the new commoners, it failed to make substantial change in regards to the discrimination faced by the outcaste groups as well as improving the situation, blame was shifted to the people themselves. A common trait of the Regional Improvement Movement was its structure existing through separate groups, each focusing on their own targets and region. With the establishment of the Great Japan Brotherhood Society (Daiwa Dōshi Kai ), the former Regional Improvement g roups were then unified under the Harmony Ideology (Yūwa ) - an indirect approach surrounding itself on the idea of integration and harmony. BACK TO TOP The Rice Riots “The Rice Riots of 1918 were an important turning point for Burakumin, plunging them into direct action.” ​ -Kiyoteru Tsutsui in his book: Rights Make Might: Global Human Rights and Minority Social Movements in Japan. (2018:159) The two leading factors of the uprising were the inflation caused by the first World War (Cangià 2013:79) giving large amount of rice provision to the troops that were sent by the government to Siberia to stop the Russian Revolution spreading to Japan (KKBM 2018:56) ​ The peaceful protest started by wives of fishermen in Toyama soon became a nation-wide movement. Within 2 months, the numbers of protesters rose to 700,000, demonstrating the unhappiness of the current economical situation. Within the 700,000, burakumin from 116 cities and villages in 22 prefectures participated in the riots. The reasons why so many burakumin were participating in the rice riots were their poverty and subsequently inability to buy rice. The emancipation edict took the monopolised position of the outcaste groups in certain occupations which then were opened to anyone. Coupled with the loss of rights such as tax exemptions, the now burakumin were put in dire poverty and experienced harsh discrimination (KKBM 2018:56). Out of the 8000 people that were prosecuted, more than 10% were burakumin (KKBM 2018:56). “In one area of Mie Prefecture, only buraku people were arrested, while in another area of Wakayama Prefecture, two people sentenced to death were both from the buraku community.” (KKBM 2018:56). “This had a strong influence on the emergence of various social movements concerned with the discrimination and exploitation of the poor classes. Up to that time, most of the political activism considered self-improvement to be a solution to the buraku question and explained discrimination as a result of the lower standards of the buraku that only the Burakumin were able to solve. After the riots, however, this attitude changed and the government was finally urged to take responsibility for the improvement of social and economics conditions of buraku.” (Cangià 2013:79) The media influenced those actions, as it was reported that the burakumin were the instigators of the rice – a result of the prejudice that led to the worsening of the stigma (KKBM 2018:56). ​ Because of the massive riots, the government decided to allocate budget to buraku improvement projects in 1920 but had barely any effect (KKBM 2018:57). ​“Buraku groups played a large role in the riots, and the experience strongly affected the way people concerned with the issue interpreted the “buraku question.” (Cangià 2013:79) BACK TO TOP Harmony and Liberation "The two organizations were different as night and day" - Christopher Bondy in his book: Voice, Silence, Self: Negotiations of Buraku Identity in Contemporary Japan (2015:23) After the establishment of the National Levellers Society in 1922, the representation of the burakumin was shared between the Liberation and the Harmony Movement. We explore what made them so different as "night and day". Harmony Movement The Harmony Movement (Yūwa undō ) was government-funded and would find a greater importance after the rice riots and the subsequent establishment of the National Levellers Society as a counterforce against the rise of the Liberation Movement. In 1920, the government would introduce the first budget for yūwa policies. avoided raising awareness of the buraku issue responsibilities of the discrimination is on the burakumin themselves Liberation Movement The groups of the Liberation Movement (Kaihō undō ) were dissatisfied with a lack of proper approach towards a solution of the buraku discrimination and the living situation of burakumin . The National Levellers Society (being the largest and only representative group) advocated for a direct path to the issue. confronting discriminators through denounciation sessions promotion of a positive burakumin identity After the beginning of the second World War in 1939, both movements would see immense changes. The Levelers Society was disbanded in 1942 while the various groups under the Harmony ideology were unified to the Public Duty Association for Dōwa (Dōwa Hōkōkai ), thus marking the name shift from Harmony (yūwa ) to Assimilation (dōwa ). BACK TO TOP The end of World War II - The resurgence of the buraku movements Soon after the end of the second World War, buraku activists returned to their previous endeavours. In 1947, the National Committee for Buraku Liberation (NCBL Buraku Kaihō Zenkoku Iinkai ) was established which in 1955 changed its name to the Buraku Liberation League (BLL - Buraku Kaihō Dōmei ). In 1960, those who favoured the Harmony/Assimilation approach then left the organization to form the All Japan Assimilation Association (Zen Nihon Dōwa Kai ). This group would later see itself in various scandals and ideological clashes which ended to a split within the Assimilation movement with the establishment of the National Liberal Assimilation Association (Zenkoku Jiyū Dōwa Kai ) in 1986. The BLL would see the same fate as the members of the Left-Wing Faction within the organization end up establishing their own - the National Buraku Liberation Movement Association (Zenkairen - Zenkoku Buraku Kaihō Undō Rengō Kai ) in 1976. BACK TO TOP The Special Measures Law for Dōwa Projects 1969-2002 In 1960, the Deliberative Council for Dōwa Policies (Dōwa Taisaku Shingikai ) (which was changed to the Joint Council for Dōwa Policies (Dōwa Taisaku Kyōgikai )) was created. The council conducted two surveys summarising the results into the Report by the Deliberative Council for Dōwa Measures (dōwa taisaku shingikai tōshin ) in 1965. Aside from the statistical data and investigating the history of the buraku issue up until that point, the report further lists measures that are required towards the solution. This would provide the basis for the Special Measures Law for Dōwa Projects (SML - dōwa taisaku jigyō tokubetsu sochi hō ) from 1969 and the subsequent laws afterwards. Careful! ​ The target of the SML policies were not all buraku areas but were defined as designated areas or dōwa areas. For the Report by the Deliberative Council for Dōwa Measures and the three Dōwa laws, see here ! During the 33 years of the SML, the infrastructure of the dōwa areas and the living situation including social welfare, education, occupation, etc. were improved. BACK TO TOP 2016: The Act for the Promotion of the Elimination of the Buraku Discrimination Although the Special Measures Laws contributed to the improvement to the living situation for many burakumin , the discrimination against was never "solved". Facing contemporary ways in which discrimination, hate speech and stigmatization can spread in the form of the internet and other means, this law uses that background as its basis (seen in article 1). In 2015, the demand for a law that would approach the before-mentioned issue began on the 16th December 2016, the Act for the Promotion of the Elimination of the Buraku Discrimination (APEBD) was enacted. ​ Unlike the SML, the APEBD does not clarify any financial support or infrastructural policies but works towards the solution of the buraku discrimination. It is open to interpretation as to how much this law can offer towards this goal but the fact that it refers directly to the term buraku and that it acknowledges contemporary forms of the buraku issue is nonetheless a step forward. BACK TO TOP Bibliography Note: I was struggling how to implement the bibliography for the history but I go for this style. References will be added step by step. My apologies for this! Edo Period and the Class System: ​ Meiji Restauration and the Emancipation Edict ​ Improvement Policies – Kaizen and Yūwa ​ Rice Riots Cangià, Flavia. 2013. Performing the Buraku: Narratives on Cultures and Everyday Life in Contemporary Japan. 1st ed. Münster: LIT Verlag. KKBM = ‘Kore kara no buraku mondai’ gakushū puroguramu sakusei kenkyū kai. 2018. Hajimete miyō! Korekara no buraku mondai gakushū: shōgakkō, chūgakkō, kōkō no purogramu [Let’s start! The buraku issue from now on: Program of elementary, middle and high school]. 1st ed. edited by Hyōgo buraku kaihō jinken kenkyūjo. Ōsaka: Kaihō shuppansha. ​ Yūwa and Kaihō ​ The End of World War II - The Resurgence of the Buraku Movements ​ The Special Measures Law for Dōwa Projects ​ 2016: The Act for the Promotion of the Elimination of the Buraku Discrimination BACK TO TOP

Incidents Table of Content The Buraku Lists Scandal The Tottori Loop Trials The Yōka High School Incident The Buraku List Scandal 部落地名総監事件 (Buraku chimei sōkan jiken ) In 1975, publicised lists that detailed names of buraku areas, their location, number of households and occupations of the residents were found. In the case of Osaka, Nara, Kyoto, Hyogo prefecture, more information including how to access the areas, names of households or appearance of the areas were written. ​ Eight lists were discovered (but there might have been more). Compiled by private investigators or detective agencies, major companies, and business up to 220 in number bought these lists to identify their recruiting employees to avoid burakumin . There might be cases in which those lists were used to decline the partner of someone’s child to find out find if they were burakumin or not (and most likely ended up in termination of the marriage/relationship). In 1989, the Ministry of Justice declared that all lists are prohibited. Although the lists were announced to be illegal there are continuous cases of investigation on burakumin and areas and shows how this information is still "valued" in the modern times The Tottori Loop Trials In February 2016, Tottori Loop (A person that created a "dōwa chiku wiki" in 2012) wanted to publish the National Buraku Survey (Zenkoku Buraku Chōsa ) and sell it on amazon. However, "the act of selling documents that expose the locations of buraku areas is a discriminatory crime" and the actions of Tottori Loop was condemned. Although the lists were retracted on amazon, Tottori Loop still uploaded the lists on their website.​​ The National Buraku Survey:​​ The document was published in 1936 by the Central Association for Harmony Projects (Chūō Yūwa Jigyō Kyōkai ) and included information on 5367 locations throughout the country The Tottori Loop Trials fights Tottori Loop and others involved that tried to publish the National Buraku Survey to stop the publication and the remove anything related on that on the internet. The trials began in March 2016, a month after that incident and has been going on until now. The process goes through the levels of courts. On the 27th September 2021 the Tokyo District Court (東京地裁 tōkyō chisai ) ruled that the publication of the National Buraku Survey and the posting of it online was illegal and that Tottori Loop has to pay 4.5 million Yen in damages. This means that future distribution in any form of the list is prohibited. ​ The latest update on the Tottori Loop Trials was on the 28th June of 2023. In there, the Tokyo District Court accepted the prohibition in six prefecture out of the 16 that were excluded from the court decision (previously). ​ ​ ​ All information can be found on the website or Facebook page of ABDARC (Anti-Buraku Discrimination Action Ressource Center), a group dedicated to the inform about the Trials and fights for the success of the court decision. The Yōka High School Incident The Yō ka High School in Hyogo Prefecture (Western Japan) was home to a buraku i ssue study group led under the educational guidelines of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP). They saw the buraku issue as one part of a larger working-class struggle, an approach that the Buraku Liberation League (BLL) and the burakumin students at the Yō ka High School opposed. This side argued for the establishment of a new study group in which the focus lies more on the buraku issue itself and raise awareness. ​ However, the new study group was denied by the school and the students started a hunger strike. On the 22nd of November 1974 the teachers walked off from their duties complaining about the situation. This resulted to clashes between the teachers and the BLL members who ordered them to return to their jobs. Both sides resisted and fights started. For 13 hours, a denunciation struggle occurred in which 60 people were injured. 48 of those were hospitalized. We recently made a 2 part series about the Yōka High School Incident on instagram. Part 1 is a brief description about the incident (which you can already see here) but Part 2 is about the experiences and memories from an alumni. You can check it here Here This is a video created by an alumni of the Yōka High School and depicts the experiences about what happened at that day. (Japanese only) Bibliography The Burakui List Scandal https://blhrri.org/old/blhrri_e/news/new101/new10103.htm https://blhrri.org/old/blhrri_e/news/new138/new138-7.htm ​ ​ The Tottori Loop Trials https://www.facebook.com/ABDARC https://www.abdarc.net/ 対鳥取ループ裁判ってなに/ ​ The Yoka High School Incident Pharr, Susan J. 1990. ‘Burakumin Protest: The Incident at Yoka High School’ . Pp. 75–89 in Losing Face. University of California Press.

Welcome to Project: Buraku Stories Our Goal is to share information and news & to create a database that can be easily accessed All in relation to the buraku issue What is the buraku issue? The burakumin are a socially constructed and discriminated minority in Japan based on ostracised groups during the feudal class system of the Edo Period (1603-1867). Despite the abolishment of the class system, the buraku issue - the discrimination the burakumin face - still exists to this date You want to know more? Start Here Terminology related to the buraku issue Buraku Dictionary Everything you want to know about the buraku issue Buraku-pedia You want to read more? Here is a list of books and articles Buraku Literature Follow us on our social media accounts for news and content! Also here! Other social media related stuff: 25.04.2023: AgainstJapanism Podcast Interview; See here Contact Us Name Write a message Submit Thanks for submitting! This is so far an one-man project, so updates and edits might take some time. However, I would be happy for any advice or if you want to point something out in regard to design, grammar or something else. Also, if you think there are topics or content that should be added, please let me know. ​ Thank you very much! Or write us an email! burakustories@gmail.com

Laws and Reports related to the buraku issue ​Reports ​ Report of the Deliberative Council for Dōwa Policies Japanese English German ​ ​ ​ Laws ​​ ​ The three Dōwa Laws Japanese English German ​ The Act for the Promotion of the Elimination of Buraku Discrimination ​​ Japanese English (by IMADR) German

Buraku -pedia A brief history of the buraku issue Start Here The buraku social movement organizations Start Here Additional Information Incidents Start Here

Researchers Filter through Categories English Japanese Filter by Name Filter through Tags Dōwa Education Dōwa Policies History Human Rights Marriage Discrimination Political Science Sociology Youth Akuzawa, Mariko 阿久澤、麻理子 Books 丹波市人権に関する市民意識調査結果報告書. 丹波市まちづくり部人権啓発センター. 2019.03. 通信制高校の実態と実践例の研究 : 若者の総合的支援の場としての学校のあり方. 2015. アジア太平洋地域の大学院『人権プログラム』の学際的調査・研究. 兵庫県立大学環境人間学部. 2011. フィリピンの人権教育―ポスト冷戦期における国家・市民社会・国際人権レジームの役割と関係性の変化を軸として―. 解放出版社. 2006. 人はなぜ権利を学ぶのか フィリピンの人権教育. 解放出版社. 2002. Articles ジェンダー平等へ教育に何ができるか. 世界 951:222 - 231. 2021.12. Letter to the Editors of the Review of Law and Economics: "On the invention of Identity Politics: The Buraku Outcastes in Japan" by J. Mark Ramseyer. Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus 19(9). 2021.05. Passing a Baton of Dōwa Education to the Next Generation: GTA analysis of the voices of young teachers with Buraku origin. The Bulletin of Kyoto Human Rights Research Institute 25:39-76. 2020.07. 社会的合意を継承する教育・啓発、そして法の必要性. 部落解放 778:29-38. 2019.09. 「インターネットと部落差別―『全国部落調査』事件が提起すること」. 部落解放 746:79-87. 2017.09. Changing Patterns of Discrimination in Japan: Rise of Hate Speech and Exclusivism on the Internet, and the Challenges to Human Rights Education. Taiwan Human Rights Journal 13(4):37-50. 2016.12. more here Amos, Timothy D. Books Caste in Early Modern Japan: Danzaemon and the Edo Outcaste Order. Abingdon; New York: Routledge. 2020. Embodying Difference: The Making of Burakumin in Modern Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i. 2011. Articles ‘Doing Violence to Buraku History: J. Mark Ramseyer’s Dangerous Inventions’. The Asia Pacific Journal: Japan Focus 19(9). 2021 (with Maren Ehlers, Anne McKnight, David Ambaras, and Ian Neary). ‘Contested Liberation: The Japanese Communist Party, Human Rights Groups, and the New Anti-Discrimination Law’. Japan Forum 32(2):220-243. 2020. ‘Pathways to Buraku Liberation: Competing Images of Freedom in Early Postwar Japan'. The Journal of Northeast Asian History 14(2):95-118. 2017. 'The Subaltern Subject and Early Modern Taxonomies: Indianization and Racialization of the Japanese Outcaste'. Asian Studies Review 41(4):577-593. 2017. ‘Fighting the Taboo Cycle: Google Map Protests and Buraku Human Rights Activism in Historical Perspective’. Japanese Studies 35(3):331-354. 2015. more here Bondy, Christopher Books Voice, Silence, and Self: Negotiations of Buraku Identity in Contemporary Japan. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center. 2015. Articles ‘New Law or Old Issues: Stakeholder Expectations on the Bill for the Promotion of the Elimination of Buraku Discrimination’. Japan Forum 32(2):244–58. 2020. ‘Centring and Marginalizing: The “Soft Middle” and Japanese Minority Education’. Asia Pacific Journal of Education 34(1):93–106. 2014. more here Kurokawa, Midori 黒川みどり Books 被差別部落認識の歴史―異化と同化の間. 岩波現代文庫. 2021. 差別の日本近現代史. 岩波書店. 2015. 近代部落史―明治から現代まで. 平凡社. 2011. 「水平社伝説」からの解放. かもがわ出版. 2002. 異化と同化の間―被差別部落認識の軌跡―. 青木書店. 1999. Articles 被差別部落の歴史に学ぶ.『同和問題』にとりくむ宗教教団連帯会議『同宗連』118(119):6-7. 2021. 歴史認識を育むために―歴史教育の現実を見つめて―. 同時代史研究 13:29-37. 2020. 部落史から考える日本の近代社会. 歴史評論 801:32-44. 2017. 近代社会における被差別部落. ひょうごの人権教育 185:1-2. 2016. 水平運動と融和運動. 部落解放 577:45-51. 2007. more here Neary, Ian Books Dōwa Policy and Japanese Politics. London; New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. 2022. State and Politics in Japan (second edition). Polity. 2019. The Buraku Issue and Modern Japan: The Career of Matsumoto Jiichirō. 1st ed. Oxon, Abingdon, Milton Park: Routledge. 2010. Human Rights in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. Routledge. 2002. Political Protest and Social Control in Pre-War Japan: The Origins of Buraku Liberation. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1989. Articles ‘From the (end of) Dōwa Policies to (the start of) an Anti-discrimination Policy?’. Japan Forum. December 2019. ‘Human Rights in the Discourse of Buraku Liberation: from the 1920s to the 1990s’. Development and Society 39 (2):285-298. 2010. ‘Matsumoto Jiichirō and the making of democracy in postwar Japan’. Japan Forum 19 (2). 2007. ‘Parliamentary Democracy in Japan’. Parliamentary Affairs 57(3):666-681. 2004. 'Japan's Human Security Agenda and its Domestic Human Rights Policies'. Japan Forum 15(2):267-286. 2003. 'Burakumin at the end of history', Social Research 70(1):269-294. 2003. more here Saitō, Naoko 斎藤直子 Books 結婚差別の社会学. 東京: 勁草書房. 2017. Articles 交差性をときほぐすー部落差別と女性差別の交差とその変容過程ー. ソシオロジ 66(1):43-61. 2021. 結婚差別の経験を聞くことをめぐる『困難』.社会と調査 24:11-17. 2020. 部落差別の解消の推進に関する法律の施行と今後の課題. 共生社会研究 12:33-40. 2017. 部落青年と恋愛・結婚—『未婚化社会』における結婚差別. 家族研究年報 41:5-20.2016. 部落青年の結婚問題 全国部落青年の雇用・生活実態調査から. 部落解放研究 198:89-104.2013. more here Uchida, Ryūshi 内田龍史 Books 被差別部落マイノリティのアイデンティティと社会関係. 解放出版社. 2020. 部落問題と向きあう若者たち. 解放出版社. 2014. Articles ロナ禍の差別——差別が生じるメカニズム. 身同 40:73-81. 2022. 宮城県における災害公営住宅供給と被災住民の生活の回復. 社会学年誌 63:25-42. 2022. 部落差別解消推進法第６条に基づく部落差別実態調査の意義と課題. 関西大学人権問題研究室紀要 82:29-48. 2021. インターネット上における部落差別が部落の青年層に与える影響──第五〇回全高・第六二回全青参加者への質問紙調査から. 部落解放研究 211:108-136. 2019. 部落差別の生成と変容——「逆差別」意識に着目して. 社会学年報 48:31-43. 2019. more here